danivon wrote:So, let me get this straight. All wars are the same, and we can shrug off (or wait for 'hindsight') what the IDF does as down to individual soldiers not following the rules...
But we can't possibly draw any useful analogies from the heavy handed way that another Western democracy tried to deal with terrorism, because it was a 'colonial' dispute and there is little in common with Israel/Palestine (notwithstanding the influx of 'settlers' or colonists into the West Bank, or a longstanding occupation militarily in both the West Bank and Gaza)?
Maybe I misunderstand, but it seems that you guys are using generalised truisms on the vague idea of war, and specific differences with other conflicts involving terrorism and insurgency as simultaneous means of handwaving away criticism of IDF strategy and tactics. Correct me if I am wrong there.
I get your points on Hamas. Whether the 1988 Covenant still stands or has been superceded by changrs in the leadership, approach and commitments of Hamas since could be debated, but let us assume that it.does, and they are intent on destroying Israel not just as a Jewish state but as a people, and all other Jews into the bargain. Let us agree that while they target the IDF or other military assets, they also have and continue to target civilians
We should not judge Israeli actions by their enemy. We should judge them by yhe standard Israel sets itself. In this article: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/a ... man-rights an Israeli government official describes the IDF as "the most moral of armies".
Now whether it is right for someone to be able to avoid military service by working for B'Tselem is debateable, and even though the timing of the move to ban is more significant than the impact (apparently only.one person is taking advantage of it at the present time), but there is a worrying trend here to not only censor dissent, but to frame it as subversive. This is not the act of a liberal democracy.
I feel you did not answer.my question, RJ. When I asked what options you had rejected to conclude that the action taken was the 'only' course, I was hoping for more than a vague mention of trading lives. How about this: would the change of policy to cease or reduce the use of fragmentation warheads when firing into a built up residential area where civilians are likely to be lead to more IDF casualties? If so, why? If you don't know, why present your 'thinking' in such terms?
I'm having a hard time trying to follow your post because it is not clear who or what you are responding to, and it is a complex conversation. Maybe you can quote in particular to what you are responding?
To your last set of questions, I want to answer them. I'm talking strategically that Israel's best option is to respond to Hamas violence by A. Destroying the rockets that are being aimed and fired at it and B. Destroy the tunnels that are built to kill soldiers and/or civilians. Although cease fires are possible and preferable to trying to forever destroy Hamas because of the intolerable casualties on both sides (tens of thousands for Palestinians and maybe 1,000 Israelis), there is no real option to negotiate real peace with Hamas.
As to the tactics of using artillery vs. precision guided missiles, I don't know enough to say. I'd like to cut through all the political bull from both sides and get to the truth of that. Is Israel using artillery because (a) it is the safest think to do when soldiers are in harms way and being fired on and precision guided missiles cannot do the job in time, or (b) because it is cost effective, or (c) because they want to kill innocent children? What do you think?
Now that I've tried to answer your question, how about answering mine. When people talk about the density of Gaza what is their solution for solving it?