Ray Jay wrote:I'm not taking a moralistic high ground. I'm just saying that the Palestinians in Gaza have to look at their own decisions and policies instead of blaming everyone else (and especially Israel) for their problems.
There's a distinction that I am making that you are not. I don't see the Gazans as a lump, but as a group of people, not all of whom have full agency. The 'leadership', who are leaders (lest we forget) because they took power through violence, are not the same as the 'people'. The bulk of the people in Gaza are not making the decisions that you condemn. They don't even do so indirectly via the ballot box.
RayJay wrote:I like your distinction between what is understandable and what is justifiable. Hitler's treatment of Jews and other minorities was neither understandable nor justifiable. Otherwise both sides of most conflicts are understandable. I think we both agree that both the Israelis and Palestinians are understandable. I think we both agree that Hamas's actions are not justifiable; we are debating whether Israel's actions are justifiable. Fair?
That is indeed a fair summation.
RayJay wrote:Two Questions: (1) Are the Israeli actions moral? (2) Are they counter-productive?
These are indeed good questions.
RayJay wrote:(1) I think yes, but there are decisions that have been made which are questionable. I would have to understand more about the specifics of the facts on the ground to fully opine. Also, you have to distinguish incorrect decisions by a soldier vs. by the leadership, and you have to factor in the fog of war.
Well, there are some criticisms of the operation and previous IDF operations in Gaza and Lebanon in terms of moral and legal questions:
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/j ... ng-expertsAndrew Exum, a former US army officer who has studied Israel's military campaigns, said the IDF had a long history of mistakes causing many civilian casualties.
"Errant artillery and air strikes have unfortunately been something of a theme in Israel's conflicts in both southern Lebanon and Gaza over the past two decades. There are good strategic reasons to avoid using air power and artillery in these conflicts: they tend to be pretty indiscriminate in their effects and make it difficult for the population under fire to figure out what they're supposed to do to be safe," said Exum, who was a defence department special adviser on the Middle East.
"I'm not sure what the issue is. In 2006 and 2008, it was pretty clear the IDF's combined armed skills – their ability to integrate artillery and air power into ground campaigns – had atrophied since the withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000. But I don't know whether the issue remains poor training, a lack of forward observers talking to the artillery batteries and aircraft, or commanders who just don't think avoiding civilian casualties is a priority."
military analysts and human rights observers say the IDF is still using unguided, indirect fire with high-explosive shells, which they argue is inappropriate for a densely populated area like Gaza – where 1.8 million people live in an area the size of the Isle of Wight. The biggest artillery weapon being used is a 155mm howitzer, mounted on tracks to make it mobile. It typically fires a fragmentation shell weighing 44kg that spreads shrapnel over a wide area. Such shells have a lethal radius of 50 to 150 metres and causes injury up to 300 metres from its point of impact. Furthermore, such indirect-fire artillery (meaning it is fired out of direct sight of the target) has a margin of error of 200 to 300 metres.
The use of indirect artillery fire in residential areas is not forbidden under international humanitarian law, but its legality depends on a balance between potential military gain against risk of harm to non-combatants. On that basis, Donatella Rovera, Amnesty International's senior crisis response adviser, said it was hard to see a military justification for its use in Gaza. "The margin of error of an artillery shell is well known. If you are shooting into a civilian area, there is a high chance of hitting civilians and a low chance of hitting your military objective, unless your military objective is to terrorise and punish a population," she said.
Now I don't expect you to agree easily with Exum and Rovera, but there are issues here - the use of fragmentation shells on a target you can't actually see but is in a built-up area that contains civilians is pretty questionable on moral grounds (even if it may be legal, and that is being queried).
Yes, the targets are Hamas sites and we know that Hamas uses sites that are near civilians for cover, as 'human shields'. But if the other side knows this is happening, still shoots and kills or injures those human shields, is there no moral culpability for it?
And the IDF itself has form on the use of 'human shields' -
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_shield#IsraelTwo wrongs do not make a right. Hamas' immorality is not a reason for its enemy to slip - it is a terrible fact, but war does make us more like our enemies, unless we are strong enough to guard against it.
And while I believe that it is likely that each of the strikes on UN schools that were sheltering civilians or on a beach with kids was not intentional, it was at the very least dubious for Israeli government spokesmen to immediately blame misfired Hamas rockets (as I heard them do on at least two different occasions) for what turned out to be an IDF shell's hit. Fair enough not to accept responsibility until it was established, but not fair enough to automatically assign blame without evidence as well. It reminds me of the brazen claims and counter-claims regarding eastern Ukraine at the moment.
RayJay wrote:(2) No; the Israeli policies are the only answer. You cannot give in to Hamas. They openly say they want to wipe Israel out and then try to do it. They willingly and proudly kill innocents. You cannot appease them. You cannot agree to negotiate with them while they lob rockets at you. You have to destroy Hamas..
When I read this, I am a little concerned. If you swap the words 'Israeli/Israel' and 'Hamas', it would not be far from the expressions of an angry Palestinian. I realise that you may not agree with it (and I don't), but unfortunately there are some Israelis and Israel-allies who do praise the deaths of innocents, or at least blame them for not getting out (despite the fact that it is almost impossible for a civilian to leave Gaza as the borders are heavily controlled on all sides). Otherwise, it's pretty clear - if you think that Israel is justified to want to wipe out Hamas, because Hamas wants to wipe out Israel, it becomes a spiral. Someone, anyone, needs to break that spiral, because it's killing people.
If you cannot destroy Hamas because of Question 1 (which is the reason that Israel doesn't destroy Hamas because they can), then you retain the status quo. This is Israel's most productive course of action
What other courses of action have you rejected to conclude that the current one is the 'only answer', or the 'most productive'?
For example, could the IDF have used military strength, but tried harder to avoid civilian casualties? Could they do more to strengthen the position of the non-Hamas elements of the Palestinian leadership?
And after several attempts to use deadly force to punish or eliminate Hamas or other terrorist groups - at least from the top down - is it really working? 20 years ago, Hamas had no rockets and no real influence.
And it seems to me that the result of the military incursion is in part counter-productive. Yes, tunnels are destroyed. Yes, Hamas fighters are killed and maybe their rocket launch apparatus is taken out. And yes, Hamas is expending a lot of materiel within Gaza and most of the rockets are not finding any targets.
But the high death toll among civilians (and while we may quibble about whether teenage boys are fighters or not, it's pretty clear that many more civilians in Gaza have died than the total of all Israelis killed in the past month) is going to resonate among those in Gaza. They will have left friends and family. Some of those may well forgive, and may well agree that such things happen in war. But others will not, and will blame Israel. And on top of any previous hard feelings, that is unlikely to result in a reduction of anger and hatred in the area. This is why I think it is counter-productive to employ the methods that Israel has.
An example is the UK policy of mass internment in Northern Ireland. In 1971, in the face of increased paramilitary activity from the Provisional IRA, Operation Demetrius was launched. Over two days, 33 years ago last weekend, 342 people were arrested. Many of them were just nationalist and republican sympathisers and had no provable links to terrorism. the violence sparked by the dawn raids led to 24 deaths - 2 UK soldiers, 2 IRA members, and 20 civilians. Most of these were at the 'Ballymurphy Massacre'.
The interened were held without trial, and it is pretty much accepted that their treatment amounted in some cases to torture. The result was a hardening of attitudes. The IRA were boosted. The moderate nationalist SDLP called for mass civil disobedience. A few months later, a march against internment in Derry turned into Bloody Sunday, and 1972 was the deadliest year in the whole history of the 'Troubles'.
Now, the IRA were terrorists, and they did provoke the Army. And of course the UK was justified in defending its interests, and its people (and a majority of those in Northern Ireland were in favour of being part of the UK). But the methods used were immoral, illegal and counterproductive.
(I do disagree with Israel's policies on the West Bank, but that is a separate issue.)
I think in reality that Gaza and the West Bank are heavily linked, and that bad policies in one have repercussions in the other. Hamas has quite a bit of support in parts of the West Bank, and one of the precursors to the recent incursions into Gaza was the kidnap and murder of three Israeli lads in the West Bank (allegedly by identified Hamas members).