Agreed.
Yes, intent is often argued, but that's usually when the written word is ambiguous
Our Supreme Court is young, but its predecessor, the Law Lords in session did much the same -JimHackerMP wrote:You guys from outside of the States have to remember that, the United States Supreme Court very, very rarely likes to get into fights between the Executive and Legislative branches. They prefer to maintain the checks and balances between them. That's another way it's different from your system(s). (Not that you don't already know that, but you have to consider that when praising why the supreme court didn't overturn Obamacare/AHA...and not saying that that's the only reason of course.)
Not like ours, no. Not far off the Swiss system that my sister lives under, though. But your legislature didn't have the guts to enact true reform because that would be "socialism" and the money-men in the health and insurance industries would scream. Even the things Republicans favoured a decade or so ago are toxic. Of course the previous system sucked as well.But again, you guys aren't going to have to live under it. This is nothing like you have in your countries. Not a damn bit.
freeman3 wrote:I agree with you Ricky that no one ever intended to deny tax credits to those on the federal exchanges.
Of course when you draft sloppily you are susceptible to conspiracy theories as to why that happened.
The thing to remember is that legislative intent is not even looked at if the statute can only be interpreted one way. So Roberts had to look at the statute and find it was ambiguous without even considering the amici brief or even other indications of legislative intent.
Only after finding ambiguity did he look at legislative intent. And even then I am not sure the amici brief ( I think--I have only looked at descriptions of it) contained the type of legislative intent that courts typically look at, which would include amendments to the bills, hearings or debates on the bill, speeches and floor debates on the bill, etc. After the fact statements of individual legislators or drafters are not given much, if any, weight. See footnote 3 of the following case. https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federa ... /case.html
And Roberts did not cite the amici brief, presumably because if he did he would be wading into political waters that he would rather avoid. That is not say the brief had no effect, but Roberts needed to find other justifications for his decision.
Where did he say that federal exchanges would not have tax credits. Please direct me to a quote, because frankly I am not aware of him saying that once.Doctor Fate wrote:freeman3 wrote:I agree with you Ricky that no one ever intended to deny tax credits to those on the federal exchanges.
Because no matter how many times the Obama-Administration's "hero" (their word) of the ACA, Jonathan Gruber, said this was the goal, that doesn't matter, right?
It can indeed indicate sloppiness, especially when.it creates ambiguity.Right. On the other hand, the plain meaning of the text, repeated SEVEN times does not indicate sloppiness--it indicates INTENT!
Pram, toys all over the place.Every one of the justices who voted in the majority should resign.
danivon wrote:Where did he say that federal exchanges would not have tax credits. Please direct me to a quote, because frankly I am not aware of him saying that once.Doctor Fate wrote:freeman3 wrote:I agree with you Ricky that no one ever intended to deny tax credits to those on the federal exchanges.
Because no matter how many times the Obama-Administration's "hero" (their word) of the ACA, Jonathan Gruber, said this was the goal, that doesn't matter, right?
(delaying federal exchanges is not the same thing, by the way)
Questioner: You mentioned the health-information Exchanges for the states, and it is my understanding that if states don’t provide them, then the federal government will provide them for the states.
Gruber: Yeah, so these health-insurance Exchanges, you can go on ma.healthconnector.org and see ours in Massachusetts, will be these new shopping places and they’ll be the place that people go to get their subsidies for health insurance. In the law, it says if the states don’t provide them, the federal backstop will. The federal government has been sort of slow in putting out its backstop, I think partly because they want to sort of squeeze the states to do it. I think what’s important to remember politically about this, is if you’re a state and you don’t set up an Exchange, that means your citizens don’t get their tax credits. But your citizens still pay the taxes that support this bill. So you’re essentially saying to your citizens, you’re going to pay all the taxes to help all the other states in the country. I hope that’s a blatant enough political reality that states will get their act together and realize there are billions of dollars at stake here in setting up these Exchanges, and that they’ll do it. But you know, once again, the politics can get ugly around this.
It can indeed indicate sloppiness, especially when.it creates ambiguity.Right. On the other hand, the plain meaning of the text, repeated SEVEN times does not indicate sloppiness--it indicates INTENT!
Pram, toys all over the place.Every one of the justices who voted in the majority should resign.
Chill, the USSC did what you wanted on the EPA. Win some, lose some.
freeman3 wrote:"The federal government has been sort of slow in putting out its backstop, I think partly because they want to sort of squeeze the states to do it." This sentence tells you that Gruber never said that people on the federal exchange would not get tax credits. He says the federal government is delaying building its exchange--why? He is saying they are doing this so that states would put in exchanges to avoid losing tax credits IF the federal exchange does not get constructed (or at least until it did get constructed). If someone would not get tax credits on a federal exchange than to delay putting in the federal exchange would not pressure the states to get their exchanges put in--whether or not the federal exchange got constructed would have no impact or pressure on states putting in their own exchanges. States would want to put in exchanges to get the tax credits, irrespective of the federal exchange.
Is this so hard to to understand? I doubt it. Gruber was all you had...and there was nothing there.
Finally, in 2009, during her confirmation hearing, Sotomayor said there was "no Constitutional right to same-sex marriage."
rickyp wrote:fateFinally, in 2009, during her confirmation hearing, Sotomayor said there was "no Constitutional right to same-sex marriage."
There still isn't . But circumstances change.
There is the right to equal treatment under the law in the 14th amendment.
In 2015, when the issue reached the SCOTUS, there were 37 States where same sex marriage is allowed. They ruled that it was time for the rest to both recognize other states same sex marriage and treat their citizens equally.
Your nation changed and accepted same sex marriage. All the court did was recognize the change and force those who would continue to discriminate to get in line with the rest of the nation.
The Supreme Court interprets the Law. They don't make law--or at least they're not supposed to
tkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), is a case in which the Supreme Court of the United States ruled 6-3 that executing intellectually disabled individuals violates the Eighth Amendment's ban on cruel and unusual punishments, but states can define who is intellectually disabled.[1] Twelve years later in Hall v. Florida the U.S. Supreme Court narrowed the discretion under which U.S. states can designate an individual convicted of murder as too intellectually incapacitated to be executed.[2
he U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Lovings' convictions in a unanimous decision (dated June 12, 1967), dismissing the Commonwealth of Virginia's argument that a law forbidding both white and black persons from marrying persons of another race—and providing identical penalties to white and black violators—could not be construed as racially discriminatory. The court ruled that Virginia's anti-miscegenation statute violated both the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Chief Justice Earl Warren's opinion for the unanimous court held that:
Marriage is one of the "basic civil rights of man," fundamental to our very existence and survival.... To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discrimination. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State.
rickyp wrote:fateThe Supreme Court interprets the Law. They don't make law--or at least they're not supposed to
yes. But that interpretation can change as society changes.. and indeed there are dozens of examples of where the court did do..
Here's one:tkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), is a case in which the Supreme Court of the United States ruled 6-3 that executing intellectually disabled individuals violates the Eighth Amendment's ban on cruel and unusual punishments, but states can define who is intellectually disabled.[1] Twelve years later in Hall v. Florida the U.S. Supreme Court narrowed the discretion under which U.S. states can designate an individual convicted of murder as too intellectually incapacitated to be executed.[2
The courts regularly upheld rulings against inter racial marriage (Pace V Alabama) (Kirby V Krby) until 1948. And then Scotus ruled in Loving V Virginia.
Nothing had changed in the Constitution. Only the way it was interpreted. Interpretations change. Because society changes.
The SCOTUS didn't make a new law, They only understood that society was willing to accept that a broader interpretation of "Equal Access" than previously.he U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Lovings' convictions in a unanimous decision (dated June 12, 1967), dismissing the Commonwealth of Virginia's argument that a law forbidding both white and black persons from marrying persons of another race—and providing identical penalties to white and black violators—could not be construed as racially discriminatory. The court ruled that Virginia's anti-miscegenation statute violated both the Due Process Clause and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Chief Justice Earl Warren's opinion for the unanimous court held that:
Marriage is one of the "basic civil rights of man," fundamental to our very existence and survival.... To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes, classifications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discrimination. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State.
All you need to do with Warrens language is change it from "another race" to "the same sex" ...